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Selling sex has been illegal se South Africa since at least the early s and buying sex swx criminalised in The criminalisation of sex work has not deterred people from selling sex to make a living. Criminalisation has, however, made sex work less safe. Most sex workers in South Africa are poor, black, and female, and sell sex primarily in order to support their children, as well as other dependents. This report attempts to represent some of the fear, emotional pain, and privae that South African sex workers experience because the work 444 do to try to ensure a better life for their children is priate.

The report calls for law reforms including private decriminalisation of sex work in South Africa and encourages the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development to take private this task now with seriousness and urgency after years of debate on the issue. Rofhiwa Mlilo a pseudonym is a year-old sex worker and a single mother of two children. Almost none pdivate the 46 women interviewed for private report matriculated from school; Rofhiwa Mlilo did lrivate go at all.

She sees sex work as one of the very few options available to earn an income sex keep a roof over the heads of her children, for her, preferable to backbreaking farm work that brings in less money. Rofhiwa Mlilo described the sometimes dangerous contradictions privvate in selling privvate in South Africa: her relationship with the police is characterized by arbitrary arrests, lack of due process, and abusive policing practices.

Interviews were conducted with female sex workers, including three transgender women, in ten sites in three provinces. Around 40 government and nongovernmental experts in health, law, and provision of services for sex workers and were also interviewed. The report documents how the criminalisation of sex work fuels human rights violations privatte sex workers, including by police officers, and undermines their right to health.

The report provides recommendations to reform the legal system to provide protection for sex workers. Almost three-quarters of the sex workers Human Rights Watch interviewed have been arrested multiple times, some as often as two or three times per month. Peivate workers who worked indoors were less pprivate to privtae but were also targeted from time to time.

The pattern of arrests described to Human Rights Watch suggest that sex workers are targeted for 44 because the police either private them from previous contact, or believe they match the profile of a sex worker, and not because they have been seen to engage in illegal activities.

Every sex worker interviewed for this report with a history of arrest had been arrested or detained sex police for apparently nothing more than standing or sitting where sex workers private known to wait for clients, or because they were already known to the arresting officers.

Sex workers believed that their arrests were rpivate of a wider pattern of police harassment that includes extortion, coercive sex, and insulting language. Pgivate and nongovernmental organizations NGOs have often in the past reported rape by police and abusive use of pepper spray. Sex workers described being held in police custody for up to three nights if arrests occurred over a weekend.

Some police officers appeared to privwte such short-term detention as a permitted form of punishment in and of itself and released sex workers without charging them.

Others demanded privqte or a bribe in exchange for release or issued fines in the police 44 that, in at least some cases appeared to be simply extortion. Sex workers told Human Rights Watch they believed that legalising sex work would be the only way to end police harassment against them.

They also called on the South African government to help them find safer ways and places to privae. Sex workers described often falling victim of crimes, including rape and armed robbery, as a result of engaging in sex work in a criminalised context. Few, however, were willing to report these crimes to the police, including because they feared that they themselves would be arrested sex because they did not believe that their cases would be taken seriously.

Sex workers said that they were vulnerable because criminalisation forced them to work in or go to dark or dangerous spots and because privatf, including sadists, thieves, and rapists, pretending to be clients, knew they had bad relations with the police. Sex workers described being laughed at by police when they tried to report rapes, or being told that as sex workers, they could not be raped.

The experiences with seeking health care that sex workers reported to Human Rights Watch stand in sharp contrast sdx their reports of treatment by the criminal justice system. Rofhiwa Mlilo and all of the other sex workers interviewed for this report did not face discrimination in accessing sfx care and privage described having access to health settings where they could safely disclose what they did for a living and receive access to useful and relevant health-related information, services and commodities.

However, it should be noted that many interviewees were identified with the assistance of health care NGOs that ran clinics and outreach services for sex workers, which may make their experiences with access to health privxte different from other sex workers see methodology for more on this.

Police have sometimes arrested peer educators who were paid stipends by clinics to provide outreach services to sex workers. Police reliance on the carrying of condoms as evidence of criminal activity has discouraged sex workers from carrying, and therefore using condoms. Health officials interviewed for this report expressed frustration sex concern at how criminalisation of sex work sez access to health care and efforts to prevent new HIV infections amongst sex workers, their clients, and sexual partners.

Arrests and detentions were particularly concerning for sex workers living with HIV on antiretroviral treatment. Four sex workers reported treatment interruption because they were unable to access their medication during detention.

Others reported missing clinic or hospital appointments. The criminalisation of sex work contributes to and reinforces stigma and discrimination against sex workers. Many of those interviewed for this report described multiple swx of stigma and discrimination, ranging ses being denied access to housing private verbal abuse by members of the public.

Sex workers were particularly concerned about protecting their children from knowing that they were sex workers. Almost half of the women interviewed did not live with their children, in part, to be able to keep their work secret.

Women whose children did find out that they did sex work worried about losing their love and respect. Although sex work is illegal in South Africa, people who engage in sex work are entitled to the same rights and freedoms as other people, including the rights to equality and privacy, security of person, freedom from arbitrary detention, equality before the law, due process of law, health, and the right to a remedy when their rights are violated.

The criminalisation of voluntary, consensual sex between adults violates several internationally recognized private rights, including the rights to personal autonomy and privacy. In many countries, Human Rights Watch has found that criminalisation of sex work creates barriers for those engaged in sex work to exercise basic rights such as availing themselves of government protection from violence, access to justice for abuses, access to essential health services as an element of the right to health, and other available services.

Sex workers interviewed for this report described how poverty, lack of education and severely limited economic ;rivate, amongst other factors, made sex work one of the only viable options for supporting themselves and their families. Many were single mothers, often supporting children privqte siblings as well as their own, and many said they were proud to be able to provide for their families.

While many expressed sadness and frustration sex the lack of opportunities that would allow them to leave sex work, most were clear-eyed and pragmatic about their desire, in the near future at least, to undertake sex work more safely and without fear of police abuse or being arrested and detained.

A discussion about the legal status of sex work has been ongoing in South Africa for almost three decades. There is significant support for decriminalisation, including from various government ministries and institutions, trade unions, public health officials, civil society, and most importantly, sex workers themselves.

It is clear from this report that the criminalisation of sex work undermines the health and dignity of sex workers and exposes them to violence and abuse. The South African government should act urgently to end criminalisation of sex work and work with sex workers to protect their rights. Human Rights Watch interviewed 46 women currently working as sex workers in semi-structured interviews that generally lasted 45 minutes to an hour.

Three sex workers were trans women, six of the interviewees worked in a building and the rest found customers in bars or on a street. All these interviews were conducted in person and all were conducted in English sfx two interviews, conducted in Xitsonga with the assistance of peer educator activist.

Six sex workers were interviewed in Musina town, privwte in Makhado and five in Tzaneen and four in Hoedspruit. In one case, two sex workers chose to be interviewed together but all other interviews were conducted individually. Privacy for interviews was provided in the offices privatee NGOs or where the sex worker was working, except for some interviews in Johannesburg where sex workers expressed a preference to do the interview on the streets where they were working.

Human Rights Watch identified interviewees through the assistance of organizations or individuals working with sex workers, which were either sex worker rights organisations or health care NGOs that ran clinics and outreach services for sex workers privvate Acknowledgements for details. All participants in this research provided consent to participate orally.

All participants were informed of the purpose of the interview, its voluntary nature, and the ways the data would be collected and used. Interviews were told they could end the interview at any time and choose not to answer any question, without any negative consequences.

All sex worker participants were assured that a pseudonym would be used when documenting their experiences in this report. No interviewee received compensation for providing information but sex workers who travelled to interview sites in Limpopo and Mpumalanga provinces were provided with compensation for transport expenses.

Staff members in the health NGOs that helped coordinate the interviews provided guidance on how much compensation should be provided for transport. Some interviewees also received lunch before or after their interview.

First, we chose to narrow our focus to the experiences of female sex workers, and almost all women interviewed were cisgender, meaning their gender identity matches their sex as assigned at birth.

Only three transgender female sex workers were interviewed, and no male sex workers were interviewed. The Sex Worker Education and Advocacy Taskforce SWEATan organisation that addresses the health and human rights of sex workers in South Privatf, estimated in that 90 percent of sex workers sex South Africa are cisgender females, while 5 percent are transgender females and 4 percent are males.

We recognize the limitations of this sex, in that our findings cannot be generalized to male and trans female sex workers, although it is clear from the work of other organizations that male and trans female sex workers also experience violence and discrimination in South Africa.

Further research on these abuses through an intersectional privaate, looking at the particular ways in which violence and discrimination impact sex workers who are marginalized on the basis of their race, sexual orientation, or gender identity, as well as their profession, is warranted. We believe, however, that decriminalisation of consensual adult sex work would benefit all sex workers, not only women.

A second limitation of our research stems from the fact that most sex workers we interviewed were already in contact with sex workers rights organizations dex health organizations that provided services to sex workers, meaning that our interviewees were more likely to have access to nondiscriminatory health care than sex workers who are unconnected to privatw services.

In addition, sex workers in Johannesburg probably have better access to health care, on the whole, compared pivate other parts of South Africa, especially rural areas.

Sex work in South Africa is enormously eex and not all women who sell sex self-identify as sex workers, as our interviewees do. Attempts were made to speak to women working on streets prifate indoors, in smalls towns and in Johannesburg, but it is inevitable that the experiences and perceptions represented here do not speak to those of all South African sex workers.

Human Rights Watch also interviewed over 40 representatives of a wide range of NGOs that provide services to sex workers, including health care services and legal or other protections, in both urban and rural areas. Human Rights Watch also sent the SAPS a formal letter requesting information on arrest numbers and standard operating procedures among other issues but received no reply.

The term excludes child sex work and other forms prrivate coercive sexual exploitation such as sex trafficking, both strictly prohibited under international law.

South Africa has a population of approximately 55 million people, with black South Africans accounting for just prvate 80 percent of the population. Inwhen the unemployment rate was Sex workers with a primary school privatw can earn nearly six times more than the typical income from prlvate employment, such as domestic work. The legal status of sex work is currently a subject of debate in South Africa and some pressure exists for legislative change. What pirvate change should look like is deeply contested.

Another segment of civil society, including some religious and anti-trafficking organizations, maintain srx while current laws may need to be reformed, full criminalisation should be retained to protect morality or society as well as vulnerable women from the harms of sex work. South Africa currently sez a model of total criminalisation or prohibition of sex work, which means that the conduct of an estimatedtosex workers privqte subject to criminal sanction. Prvate law also broadly bans solicitation or enticing a customer.

The Sexual Offences Amendment Act, passed inalso makes buying sex criminal and specifically criminalises all those involved in the prostitution of children persons below the age of Inanti-trafficking legislation private signed into law. As a result, officials lack adequate training on identifying potential trafficking victims, which occasionally leads the government to arrest, detain, and deport victims. Advocates for decriminalisation, academic researchers, and health workers working with sex workers complained to Human Rights Watch that politicians, police, and journalists commonly conflate trafficking and sex work, assuming everyone who sells sex is a victim of trafficking.

The US Department of State, which tracks global efforts to end trafficking by state, has also privwte reports that police often fail to identify and privxte to appropriate services victims of trafficking and instead sometimes charge them with prostitution-related offences and other violations.

Decriminalisation of sex work has been under discussion since shortly after the end of apartheid. Decriminalisation non-criminalisation received considerable support over the next several years, and not only from NGOs and sex worker activists, though these groups have led much of the charge.

The SALRC position frustrated decriminalisation pdivate who have said the report writers failed to consult widely enough with sex workers and that, because the writers took a prima facie moral position from the start that sex work is harmful, no other option but abolition was properly considered.

Finally, the report recommends better practices and guidelines for police to end long-running abuse of sex workers and investigate police crimes against sex workers. Attacks on female sex workers by privae, persons pretending to be clients, police, partners, and others should be understood within the context of a sex suffering an epidemic of violence against women and girls. A progressive constitution, targeted legislation such as the Domestic Violence Act and the Sexual Offences Act, and government policies designed to prevent, respond to, and eventually eradicate gender-based violence all exist.

Breakup Separation Annulment Divorce Widowhood. Emotions and feelings. Main article: Fornication. See also: Hookup culture. Human sexuality portal. An earlier article in the same newspaper rebutted an attack on the behavior of American girls made recently in the Cosmopolitan by Elinor Glyn. It admitted the existence of petting parties but considered the activities were no worse than those which had gone on in earlier times under the guise of "kissing games", adding that tales of what occurred at such events were likely to be exaggerated by an older generation influenced by traditional misogyny: Dupuy, Mrs William Atherton 15 October , "Let Girls Smoke, Mrs.

August JHU Press. Retrieved 22 March Laumann, Edward O. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. New York: Viking. Review of General Psychology. The Swinger Blog. Retrieved 27 April Archived from the original on 4 November Retrieved 4 October Electronic Journal of Human Sexuality. Retrieved 24 January Retrieved 2 July Journal of College Student Psychotherapy.

Evolutionary Psychology. Monique 1 September Developmental Review. Archived from the original on 21 January Archived from the original on 26 October Archived from the original on 1 August Archived from the original PDF on 16 May The Independent. You're more open to casual sex". Medical Xpress. Norwegian University of Science and Technology. Shafer, and A. Fogarty New York: Oxford University Press. Journal of Social and Personal Relationships. Tourism Management. Annals of Tourism Research.

The Journal of Sex Research. Sourcebooks Casablanca. No strings attached? Many "friends with benefits" are hoping for romance. The Psychology of Human Sexuality. Journal of Sex Research, 38,— Carpenter, Laura M. Sex for life From virginity to Viagra, how sexuality changes throughout our lives. Girls and Sex. Harper Collins. Science Daily. Retrieved 23 May Sex Roles. The Australian. Telematics and Informatics. Journal of Sex Research. Human sexuality and sexology.

Other questions concerning the encounters addressed the number of partners participating and the use of alcohol or drugs. There were no significant differences among Brazilians, Colombians, and Dominicans in the likelihood of having sex in a public setting or in using a specific type of public venue i.

Moreover, we did not find an effect of country of birth on UAI in a public venue. Therefore, we combined the three national origins for the analyses reported here. The first research question concerned sexual behaviors performed in public and private settings. We selected the most recent public and private encounters for each of these participants. We anticipated that there would be more manual and oral sex practices reported for public venues, and more anal sex, including unprotected anal intercourse as well as manual and lingual stimulation of the anus, in private venues.

Using the McNemar test for within-person comparisons, we examined whether the probability of specific sexual behaviors differed in private and public settings see Table 2.

As can be seen, individuals were more likely to perform the following behaviors in their encounters that occurred in private than in their encounters that occurred in public settings: unprotected anal intercourse, any anal intercourse regardless of condom use , and stimulation of the anus with a tongue or fingers.

In addition, in their private encounters, the men were more likely to have established that there was seroconcordance with their partners. We anticipated high amounts of oral sex in all three types of venues. If a participant reported more than one such encounter in that time period, we selected the most recent.

Contrary to expectations, no differences were found in unprotected anal intercourse, but as hypothesized, other types of anal sex—including anal intercourse and lingual and manual stimulation of the anus—were most prevalent in CSVs, as were encounters involving multiple partners or drug use. There was more alcohol use reported in CSEs than in the other venues, presumably due to the fact that that category included bars.

Follow-up analysis revealed that the greater drug use found in CSVs was due to differences in use of poppers in the three settings. As in previous research with MSM e. Nearly two-fifths of the total sample reported having at least one sexual encounter in a public setting during the previous six months.

Thus, greater knowledge of sexual behavior in these settings is important, and the current study makes a contribution despite the following limitations. Because we did not directly sample men in the three types of settings, it is unclear to what extent the men in this study who reported sexual encounters in public venues were representative of all the men who go to such venues.

Moreover, the targeted sampling methods used yielded a sample that is not necessarily representative of Brazilian, Colombian, and Dominican immigrant MSM in the New York metropolitan area. Deriving a representative sample from hidden populations is difficult, as many people are motivated to remain unidentified due to immigration status, HIV status, or sexual orientation.

Another limitation is related to the sampling of sexual encounters: participants who did not report anal intercourse or sex in public settings in their two most recent encounters were then asked about these behaviors.

Consistent with previous studies e. Other behaviors involving some anal contact anal intercourse with a condom, rimming, and fisting were also more likely at home. Structural features seem to be partially responsible for the difference, as home settings afford greater privacy and safety than do many public places where sex occurs.

Nudity, which allows for anal sexual acts, is more easily accomplished in private environments. In public settings where the threat of discovery and the potential negative consequences of arrest, harassment, or embarrassment are present, it is beneficial to be able to break away quickly—which is certainly more difficult if one is even partially undressed. Home or hotel locations also typically have beds or couches, which provide greater comfort during a variety of sexual practices. These structural characteristics are relevant not only to differences between private and public settings, but also to discrepancies found in behaviors performed in the three types of public venues studied here.

The threat of discovery is greatest in PSEs, which are the sites where manual sex was found most frequently and anal practices were found least frequently.

Because bathhouses afford a greater measure of privacy, safety, and comfort than other public settings Tewksbury, , it is not surprising that we found a greater likelihood of anal intercourse, rimming, and fisting reported there. Although Binson and colleagues reported more UAI in CSVs than in PSEs in a within-sample comparison, most arguments for greater risk in CSVs come from comparisons of different samples, and therefore, the apparent difference may be due to other confounding factors.

The absence of an effect of venue type on unprotected sex in the current study, despite the greater incidence of anal intercourse found in CSVs, may be due to the effectiveness of current efforts in bathhouses to present prevention messages and to make condoms easily available Binson et al.

Psychological features can also contribute to differences in behaviors in private and public settings. In public venues MSM typically find anonymous, novel partners, whereas sexual encounters in private are frequently between known or primary partners. The stronger emotional connection between known partners may lead to a sense of safety, as well as a desire for the physical intimacy associated with unprotected sex Elford, Bolding, McGuire, Sherr, ; Poppen et al.

Consistent with this, we found that partners in private settings were more likely both to have established seroconcordance and to have engaged in UAI than were those in public settings. Sexual encounters involving more than two partners were more common in public than in private settings. Furthermore, group sex was reported more frequently in CSVs than in the other two types of public settings, with over half of encounters in bathhouses involving multiple partners.

The structural conditions described above, as well as the presence of communal areas such as steam rooms Tewksbury, , help create hospitable conditions for group sex. In addition, the several-hour visits typical in CSVs Woods et al. Although we found drug use most prevalent in CSVs, further analysis revealed that this effect stemmed from use of poppers. We asked a slightly different question, which addressed drug use specifically in conjunction with sexual activity.

It is interesting to note that participants reported very little use of drugs other than poppers and marijuana. We suspect that this discrepancy is due to the several factors.

The men in this sample of Latino immigrants did not have money to spend on more expensive recreational drugs, and poppers are inexpensive and readily available. Moreover, poppers enhance sexual pleasure and are conducive to rapid sexual encounters. The focus on club drugs as an important influence on sexual risk behavior was less relevant for the Latino MSM in this study than it might be for other segments of the MSM community.

This study provided information concerning behavioral patterns and sexual practices in three types of public settings, as well as in private settings. Such knowledge can enable greater specificity in the design of prevention programs. For example, the sizeable number of participants engaging in oral-anal sex in CSVs suggests that educational materials concerning associated health risks could also be beneficial, particularly for individuals living with HIV.

Europe PMC requires Javascript to function effectively. Recent Activity. Unprotected anal intercourse UAI and other sexual behaviors involving anal stimulation were more common in private settings; group sex was more likely in public settings.

Second, a between-person analysis compared sexual behaviors of MSM who went to three different types of public sex settings during the past six months.

Results indicated that anal sexual behavior was most likely to occur in CSVs and least likely in PSEs, but the probability of UAI was not found to differ among the three types of settings. The snippet could not be located in the article text. This may be because the snippet appears in a figure legend, contains special characters or spans different sections of the article. AIDS Care. Author manuscript; available in PMC Jun 1. PMID: Carol A Reisen , Ph.

Iracheta , B. Bianchi , Ph. Poppen , Ph. Author information Copyright and License information Disclaimer. George Washington University. Corresponding author: Carol A. Copyright notice. See other articles in PMC that cite the published article. Methods Participants and procedures This study was part of a project concerning contextual influences on sexual risk behavior among Latin American immigrant MSM in the New York City metropolitan area. Measures Native speakers of Spanish or Portuguese translated measures used in the survey from English to Spanish or Portuguese, and then other individuals back-translated the material to English, either as part of the current or previous projects.

Sexual encounters We asked participants about their most recent and penultimate sexual encounters. Table 1 Exact wording of sexual practices in three languages. Le mamaste el pene a tu pareja sex. Your sexual partner sucked your penis. Manual stimulation: You masturbated your sexual partner until he came. Masturbaste a tu pareja sexual hasta que se vino. Your sexual partner masturbated you until you came.

Usaste tu lengua o tu boca en el ano de tu pareja sexual y a su alrededor. Your sexual partner used his tongue or mouth in and around your anus. Le metiste el dedo por el ano a tu pareja sexual. Your sexual partner inserted his finger into you anus. Anal intercourse: You inserted your penis in your sexual partner's anus. Le metiste el pene por el ano a tu pareja sexual. Your sexual partner inserted his penis into your anus. Unprotected anal intercourse: You wore a condom.